Showing posts with label Quetta. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Quetta. Show all posts
Quaid-e-Azam M.A. Jinnah and Balochistan in pictures
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| Quaid-e-Azam meeting supporters at Quetta Railway Station in 1945 |
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| With Fatima Jinnah on arrival at Quetta (July,1943) |
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| Quaid-e-Azam and Fatima Jinnah at Quetta Railway Stattion |
The Pakistan Movement
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| Quaid-e-Azam at All-India Muslim League Lahore Session(March,1940) |
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| Quaid-e-Azam is presiding over the Session |
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| Quaid-e-Azam visit the Head Office of the City Muslim League,Kanpur,1941 |
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| Photograph during the All-India Muslim League Session at Lahore |
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| Arrival in the city in March,1941 |
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| Quaid-e-Azam being taken in a huge procession on his arrival in the city in March,1941 |
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| Hoisting the flag of the All-India Muslim Students Fedreation Meeting,Kanpur |
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| Addressing the meeting at Kanpur |
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| Quaid-e-Azam with other Muslim leaders to attend the 29th Session of the All-India Muslim League at Allabad(1942) |
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| Quaid-e-Azam shaking hands with Stafford Cripps at Delhi |
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| In huge procession on his arrival at the All-India Muslim League Session(1942),Allabad |
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| View of the procession at Allahbad |
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| Addressing the Allahbad session |
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| Jullander Railway Station where Quaid-e-Azam arrived to perform the opening ceremony of Islamia College(Nov,1942) |
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| Punjab Muslim Federation,Jullundar.Mian Bashir Ahamad is reciting his poem |
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| Quaid-e-Azam leading a procession in Delhi(1943) |
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| With Fatima Jinnah on arrival at Quetta(July,1943) |
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| Quaide-e-Azam leading a procession in Quetta(1943) |
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| Proceeding to preside over a meeting of the Muslim Student federation,Quetta(1943) |
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| Quaid-e-Azam with the tribal leaders at Quetta |
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| Speaking after the Flag hoisting Ceremony,Quetta,1943 |
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| Addressing a meeting of Muslims at Bandra,Bombay(1943) |
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| At tea party in his honour by Qazi Isa at his residence in Quetta |
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| Quaid arriving to attend the 31st Annual Session of All-India Muslim League at Karachi, 1943 |
Quaid-e-Azam and Balochistan
by Dr. Munir Ahmed Baloch
The huge land mass of Balochistan rising steadily from the coastal plains of the sea of Arabia to the eerie heights of Quetta, and then descending in an undulating manner up to the fringe of the North-West Frontier Province, covers a little over 125,000 sq. miles constituting almost 43% of the total area of Pakistan. Another 45,000 sq. miles of Balochistan territory lie in the neighbouring state of Iran and smaller region in southern Afghanistan.1
With the advent of British colonial rule over India, Balochistan came under colonial influence in 1876 and was portioned among Iranians and the British. The Eastern part of Balochistan was further divided into British Balochistan, Balochistan States, while a part of Seistan was given to Afghanistan. The areas of Derajat and Jacobabad (Khan Garh) was demarcated and given to British India.
British imperialists used Balochistan as a military base to check the extension policy of Tsarist Russia against India.2 Balochistan was denied almost all forms of reforms which over the years, since the turn of the century, were introduced in other parts of India.
Despite being a separate administrative unit, Balochistan was not include in the list of provinces because it did not enjoy the status of a province. It was an administrative unit headed by the Agent to Governor General. This implied that the reforms introduced in the recognised provinces of British India were not introduced in Balochistan.3
The Quaid-i-Azam was aware of the vexing problems of Balochistan. He had demanded reforms in Balochistan in his famous “Fourteen Points”. He pleaded that Balochistan should be brought in the line with other provinces of India.
About the late twenties in Balochistan there were curbs on expression of open political opinions and there was no press. In 1927, Abdul Aziz Khurd and Nasim Talwi started a newspaper called “Balochistan” in Delhi. Yousuf Ali Khan Magsi, Sardar of the Magsi tribe, wrote an article for a Lahore newspaper in 1929 which he entitled “Fariad-e-Balochistan” or, “The Wail from Balochistan”. In May, 1939 he produced a pamphlet called “Balochistan ki Awaz”, or “The Voice of Balochistan”, specially for the British Parliament in London. In February, 1934, Yousuf Ali visited England in pursuit of his political objectives and both going and coming he visited Quaid-i-Azam at Bombay.
Muslim League was another political organization to sponsor the cause of Balochistan for the creation of a separate province for Balochistan.
The foundations of the Muslim League in Baluchistan were laid by a young known lawyer of Balochistan by the name of Qazi Isa. It was in 1938 that Isa paid a visit to Quaid-i-Azam at Bombay on his return from his studies in England and was so impressed that he accepted the invitation of the Quaid-i-Azam to form and organise the Muslim League in Balochistan.
Apart from the other activities and visits of Muslim League leaders, Quaid-i-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah himself visited Balochistan many times. In the middle of 1934, Quaid-i-Azam paid a visit to Balochistan and spent about two months there. In a public session of the League Conferences at Quetta, Qazi Isa made a dramatic and emotional gesture. Presenting the Quaid-i-Azam with a Sword, reportedly belonging to Ahmed Shah Abdali, he said:
Throughout history, the sword had been the constant companion of the Muslims. When the Muslims did not have an Amir, this sword was lying in safe custody. Now that you have taken over as the Amir of this nation, I hand over this historic sword to you. This has always been used in defence, in your safe hands also, it will be used only for this purpose.
On this occasion, the Quaid-i-Azam paid a highly successful four days visits to Kalat on the personal invitation of Khan Mir Ahmed Yar Khan, the ruler of Kalat. In the meantime, Nawabzada Liaquat Ali Khan went on pressing in the Central Assembly to give constitutional reforms to Baluchistan and ultimately succeeded when his resolution was passed by the Assembly in March 1944.4 In the same year, when British were involved in the second World War, General R.C. Money submitted a memorandum, “Post-War Reconstruction Balochistan.”
In the memorandum, it was suggested, that “Balochistan is the right place for a considerable imperial garrison after the war. It was added that after the transfer of power in British India, “Balochistan” is not part of British India.” The memorandum was appreciated by Amry, as shown by his reply to Money on 18 November 1944 and his letter to Wavell, dated 23 November 1944.5
The Allies won the World War II on 2 September 1945. Ultimately, on 24 March 1946, the Cabinet Mission comprising three Cabinet Ministers arrived at Delhi presented the Partition plan of India on 16 May 1946. After the announcement of Paritition plan the tempo of political activity and polarization was between contending parties and factions gained momentum. Balochistan was of vital importance to the future of Pakistan as a country and people and, Mr. Jinnah was keen to make Balochistan a part and parcel of Pakistan. Conversely, the people who were averse to the prospect of the Indian Muslims securing an independent homeland, Nehru and Mountbatten, for instance, created all types of difficulties for the Muslim League. The foremost issue was: Which of the two Constituent Assemblies will Balochistan join, that is, of India or Pakistan. Moreover, that would be the status of Balochistan states on the lapse of British paramountcy? Would the leased areas be restored to the Khan of Kalat? What will be the future of the Princely States, their rulers and, so also that of the Tribal Territories in Balochistan?
The draft Proposal as revised by Cabinet Committee upto 8 May said:
In British Balochistan, the members of the Shahi Jirga other than those members who are nominated as Sardars of Kalat State, and non-officials members of the Quetta Municipality, will meet to decide which of the three options in para 4 above they choose. The meeting will also elect a representative to attend the Constituent Assembly selected.
Nehru objected to the proposal. He said:
It leaves the future of the Province to one man chosen by a group of Sardars and nominated persons who obviously represent a vested semi-feudal element. Baluchistan has an importance as a strategic frontier of India and its future cannot be dealt with in this partial and casual manner.
He added: “The future of Balochistan raised many strategic problems and the way at present envisaged is a very casual way of dealing with an important frontier area. Finally, he suggested that this case be deferred until the picture in the rest of India got clearer. This was not agreed to by the Viceroy”.
Whereas the Quaid-i-Azam emphasized that a democratic machinery might be devised to ensure free and fair expression of the will of the people, Mr. Liaquat Ali Khan, on behalf of the Muslim League, proposed a plebiscite. Any genuine democratic vote would satisfy the Muslims. He and the Quaid were very confident of winning Balochistan by the democratic method. They did not create any fuss, like Nehru.
Lord Mountbatten differed with both Jinnah and Nehru. He thought that in Baluchistan Tribal System, democratic mehhods would not work, and the prevailing system could not be altered in a haste.
Later His Majesty’s Government (HMG) revised the proposal and the revised draft was studied, and different proposals from the Quaid-i-Azam, Pundit Nehru and Sir Geoffery Prior, the Agent to the Governor General (AGG) in Balochistan, were put up to the HMG. Finally it was decided to hold a referendum in Balochistan on June 30, 1947 in Shahi Jirga excluding the Sardars nominated by the Kalat state and non-officials members of Quetta Municipality. That would decide the future affiliations of Balochistan.
An extraordinary joint Session of the Shahi Jirga was held on 30 June 1947 to decide the crucial issue. To the dismay of the Congress, 54 members of the Shahi Jirga and Quetta Municipality, voted en-bloc to join the new Constituent Assembly to be set up in Pakistan.
The credit, in a large measure, for the convincing success of the Muslim League in these circumstances goes to Quaid-i-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah and the Balochistan Provincial Muslim League who successfully countered the Congress propaganda.6
Quaid-i-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah’s role, first as the Ambassador of Hindu-Muslim Unity, and subsequently as the leader of the Muslims, during 1936-1947, supported the cause of Balochistan and demanded accession from the Khan. Quaid-i-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah regarded Balochistan as his last resort in case of the failure of the demand for Pakistan.
With the lapse of the British paramountcy in 1947, the Khanate of Balochistan became an independent sovereign state. The Khan, Mir Ahmad Yar Khan, announced independence in a public speech on 15 August 1947. Soon after the promulgation of the constitution, elections were held at the Kalat state National Party won 39 out of a total 51 seats on Lower House. The rest of the seats went to independent candidates, who supported the cause of the National Party.
On 13, December, the Khan summoned the Lower House to discuss, the official language, the Sharia (Islamic Law), and relations between the Khanate of Balochistan and Pakistan, with special reference to accession.7
In September 1947, the Prime Minister of Kalat, Nawabzada M. Aslam, and the Foreign Minister, D.Y. Fell travelled to Karachi to discuss the leased areas, under the Kalat-Pakistan Agreement of August 1947. The meetings between the officials of the two states were not fruitful, due to policy of the Pakistani Government, which insisted on an unconditional accession of the Khanate to Pakistan. On 20 September 1947, Mr. Ikramullah, the Pakistan Foreign Secretary wrote a letter to Aslam, the Prime Minister of Khanate, urging the accession of the Khanate and, meanwhile, the president of the British Balochistan Muslim League, Qazi M. Isa, met the Khan and conveyed to him a message from Mohammad Ali Jinnah, the Governor-General of Pakistan, who extended an invitation for the Khan to come to Karachi to discuss future relations between the Khanate and Pakistan. Before the Khan’s visit to Karachi in October 1947, he discussed all possible courses of action with his Prime Minister and the Foreign Minister.
The Khan went to Karachi on Jinnah’s invitation with a draft treaty which he wanted to use as a basis for negotiations with the Government of Pakistan. The draft treaty proposed by the Khan was aimed at entering into a treaty relationship with Pakistan.8
On his arrival in Karachi, the Khan was not received by the Governor General nor by the Prime Minister, because Jinnah advised him to accede the Khanate to Pakistan and stated that he could propose no better course than accession.
Nevertheless, the Khan refused the demand of Mohammad Ali Jinnah and said, “As Balochistan is a land of numerous tribes, the people there must be consulted in the affairs prior to any decision”. The Khan promised Jinnah to reply after consulting the parliament of the Khanate. On December 12, 1947, a Session of the Darul-Awam was summoned by the Khan to discuss the matter of accession. The house after a debate adopted the following resolution unanimously on December 14, 1947.
Relations with Pakistan should be established as between two sovereign states through a treaty based upon friendship and not by accessions.
On January 4, 1948 the Darul-Umra also passed the same resolution. The Prime Minister Aslam visited Karachi with a copy of the proceedings of the parliament. He met Jinnah and discussed the matter of accession. On his return to Kalat in February, he brought a letter from Jinnah, dated 2 February 1948, addressed to the Khan. In this letter, once again Jinnah repeated the demand to join Pakistan.
On February 11, 1948, Quaid-i-Azam came to Sibi, situated in former British Balochistan, where a meeting was arranged between the Khan and Jinnah on the evening of the following day. On the 13, they had a second meeting at Dadar—the winter capital of the Khanate. Another meeting fixed for the 14th, had to be cancelled due to the sudden “illness” of the Khan.
Jinnah was disappointed by the behaviour of Khan and his parliament. On March 9, 1948, it was communicated to the Khan that “His Excellency had decided to cease to deal personally with Kalat state negotiations, to decide the future relations of Pakistan and Kalat.” Col. S.B. Shah was assigned to deal with the Khanate’s affairs, with the help of Aslam, who knew the internal conflicts and rivalries among the Khan and his chief, including feudatory chiefs, Mir Bai Khan, Gichki, Nawab of Mekran (Brother-in-Law of Khan) Ghulam Qadir, Jam of Las Bela, and Mir Habibullah Nusherwani, Nawab of Kharan. They met Jinnah on 17 March 1948, and informed his that “if Pakistan was not prepared to accept their offer of accession immediately they would be compelled to take other steps for their protection against the Khan of Kalat’s aggressive actions.”
After their meeting with Mohammad Ali Jinnah, Pakistan’s Cabinet met in an emergency session discuss the request the chief of Balochistan. The cabinet decided to accept the offer in order to put pressure on the Khan for accession. On 17 March Jinnah accepted the accession.
On 18 March, the Pakistan Minister of Foreign Affairs issued a press Statement, announcing that Pakistan had accepted the accession of Mehran, Kharan, and Lesbela, with the “accession” of these areas, Kalat lost its connection with Iran and Afghanistan and was left without any outlet to the sea.
After the accession of these states. The Joint Secretary for the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Col. S.B. Shah approached the Baloch chiefs Wadera Bangulzai, Sardar Shahwani, Sardar Sanjarani, and offered them an autonomous status if they accede to Pakistan. Meanwhile Sardar Raisani offered his cooperation to Col. Shah.9
Nevertheless, the Khan saw two alternatives:
- To leave the palace and to take refuge in the mountains in order to fight.
- To accept the demand of accession.
The first alternative was opposed by Fell, and supported by nationalists. Khan agreed with proposed of Mr. Fell and saw the “wisdom” of declaring “accession”, without the approval of the parliament. On 28 March 1948, he informed the Government of Pakistan about his decision and the Khanate became a part of Pakistan.10
Notes and References
- Ahmad Abdullah, The Historical Background of Pakistan and its people. (Tanzem Publishers, Karachi, 1973), p. 72
- Stephanie Zinged, Pakistan in the 80’s: Ideology, Regionalism, Economy, Foreign Policy, (Vanguard, Lahroe 1985), pp. 336-37.
- Riaz Ahmad, “Quaid-i-Azam’s role in the London Round Table Conference 1930-31” Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities, Vol. I, No. 1 (Spring 1995), p. 20.
- A.B. Awan, Balochistan Historical and Political Processes, (New Century Publishers, London w. 1985), p. 20.
- Inayatullah Baloch, The Problem of Greater Balochistan, A Study of Baloch Nationalism (GMBH Stallgart, 1987), p. 174.
- Lt. Col. Syed Iqbal Ahmed, Balochistan: Its Strategic Importance (Royal Book Company, Karachi, 1992), pp. 109-112.
- Inayatullah Baloch, op. cit., pp. 175-76.
- Ibid., pp. 181-182.
- Ibid., pp. 183-187.
- Ibid. p. 189.
Audio Gallery
"I have lived as plain Mr. Jinnah and I hope to die as plain Mr. Jinnah. I am very much averse to any title or honours and I will be more than happy if there was no prefix to my name."
-: Audio clips of Speeches of
The Quaid-e-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah :-
The Quaid-e-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah :-
Quaid-e-Azam meeting supporters at Quetta Railway Station in 1945
Perhaps the first 'Train March' in our history
Provincialism- A curse (15th Jun 1948)
Reply to the Civic Address presented by the Quetta Municipality on I5th June, 1948.
I thank you for your address of welcome and for the kind words and good wishes you have expressed for me and Miss Fatima Jinnah, and I greatly appreciate your handsome and generous contribution to the Relief Fund and noble cause which it represents. Though luckily Baluchistan was spared the tragedy which the Punjab went through on the estabtishment of Pakistan, and, on account of its situation, does not face the refugee problem in the same way as other ‘parts of Pakistan do, the welfare of refugees and all who suffered because Pakistan was achieved is the responsibility of us all. The relief and rehabilitation of these stricken people is a matter of great importance and urgency for Pakistan for, until they become useful members of the society, the progress of Pakistan will not be fully accelerated. Every effort made in this direction, therefore, is most welcome, as it will advance the cause of progress and welfare of Pakistan.
Quetta has been for many years an important town and cantonment: with the establishment of Pakistan, its importance has increased and will increase further. Its situation and healthy climate entitle it to special attention and I am, therefore, really glad that despite the havoc wrought by the earthquakes of 1935 and the disabilities created by the war later and the dislocation caused by the movement of population more recently it gives the appearance of an orderly and busy town. The credit for this goes to a large extent to the Quetta Municipality and the City Fathers here. The town apparently has been well-planned and whatever buildings have been put up look neat and elegant. I, share your hopes that better times are ahead and not very long hence the temporary structures, which constitute most of the town at present, will be replaced by permanent earthquake-proof buildings. While the municipality should play its part, private enterprise is necessary, so that Quetta may be as great a civil station as a cantonment and the more you improve it the more attractive it will become. For a large part of Western Pakistan it will be the natural summer resort and draw larger and larger number of visitors, which will not only be additional source of revenue but also will bring and establish contact with other parts of Western Pakistan. This ought to be kept in view. The difficulty regarding water supply and other problems should be tackled with boldness and imagination, and I am sure, Government will give you willing help whenever it is needed.
While, however, one must love one’s town and work for its welfare–indeed because of it–one must love better one’s country and work more devotedly for it. Local attachments have their value but what is the value and strength of a “part” except within the “whole”. Yet this is a truth people so easily seem to forget and begin to prize local, sectional or provincial interests above and regardless of the national interests. It naturally pains me to find the curse of provincialism holding sway over any section of Pakistan. Pakistan must be rid of this evil. It is relic of the old administration when you clung to provincial autonomy and local liberty of action to avoid control–which meant–British control. But with your own Central Government and its power, is a folly to continue to think in the same terms, especially at a time when your State is so new and faces such tremendous problems internal and external. At this juncture any subordination of the larger interest of the State to the provincial or local or personal interest would be suicidal.
Baluchistan is the land of brave independent people and to you, therefore, national freedom, honour, and strength should have a special meaning. These whisperings of mulki and non-Mulki are neither profitable for the land not worthy of it. We are now all Pakistanis–not Baluchis, Pathans, Sindhis, Bengalis, Punjabis and so on–and as Pakistanis we must feet behave and act, and we should be proud to be known as Pakistanis and nothing else. I ask you always to pause and consider before taking any step whether it is conditioned by your personal or local likes and dislikes or is determined by consideration of the good of the State. If each individual thus being scrutinizing himself and forces–for initially it will require a certain amount of force–upon himself the principal of honesty to others as well as to himself, regardless of fear or favour. I see a very bright future ahead. If individuals both officials and non-officials play their part thus and work in this spirit, the Government, the Nation and the State will immediately bear their stamp, and Pakistan will emerge triumphantly as one of the greatest nations of the world.
As you all know I am specially interested in Baluchistan because it is my special responsibility. I want to see it play as full a part in the affairs of Pakistan as any other province, but it will take time to remove the symptoms of long neglect. In order that this time may not be a minute longer than necessary, I earnestly request you to co-operate with me, to give me your selfless support, and not to make my task difficult. Representative government and representative institutions are no doubt good and desirable, but when people want to reduce them merely to channels of personal aggrandisement, they not only lose their value but earn a bad name. Let us avoid that and it is possible only if, as I have said, we subject our actions to perpetual scrutiny and test them with the touchstone not of personal or sectional interest but of the good of the State.
I thank you once-again for your generous contribution, your courtesy and for the honor you have done me by presenting this civic address and giving me an opportunity to say a few words.
I thank you for your address of welcome and for the kind words and good wishes you have expressed for me and Miss Fatima Jinnah, and I greatly appreciate your handsome and generous contribution to the Relief Fund and noble cause which it represents. Though luckily Baluchistan was spared the tragedy which the Punjab went through on the estabtishment of Pakistan, and, on account of its situation, does not face the refugee problem in the same way as other ‘parts of Pakistan do, the welfare of refugees and all who suffered because Pakistan was achieved is the responsibility of us all. The relief and rehabilitation of these stricken people is a matter of great importance and urgency for Pakistan for, until they become useful members of the society, the progress of Pakistan will not be fully accelerated. Every effort made in this direction, therefore, is most welcome, as it will advance the cause of progress and welfare of Pakistan.
Quetta has been for many years an important town and cantonment: with the establishment of Pakistan, its importance has increased and will increase further. Its situation and healthy climate entitle it to special attention and I am, therefore, really glad that despite the havoc wrought by the earthquakes of 1935 and the disabilities created by the war later and the dislocation caused by the movement of population more recently it gives the appearance of an orderly and busy town. The credit for this goes to a large extent to the Quetta Municipality and the City Fathers here. The town apparently has been well-planned and whatever buildings have been put up look neat and elegant. I, share your hopes that better times are ahead and not very long hence the temporary structures, which constitute most of the town at present, will be replaced by permanent earthquake-proof buildings. While the municipality should play its part, private enterprise is necessary, so that Quetta may be as great a civil station as a cantonment and the more you improve it the more attractive it will become. For a large part of Western Pakistan it will be the natural summer resort and draw larger and larger number of visitors, which will not only be additional source of revenue but also will bring and establish contact with other parts of Western Pakistan. This ought to be kept in view. The difficulty regarding water supply and other problems should be tackled with boldness and imagination, and I am sure, Government will give you willing help whenever it is needed.
While, however, one must love one’s town and work for its welfare–indeed because of it–one must love better one’s country and work more devotedly for it. Local attachments have their value but what is the value and strength of a “part” except within the “whole”. Yet this is a truth people so easily seem to forget and begin to prize local, sectional or provincial interests above and regardless of the national interests. It naturally pains me to find the curse of provincialism holding sway over any section of Pakistan. Pakistan must be rid of this evil. It is relic of the old administration when you clung to provincial autonomy and local liberty of action to avoid control–which meant–British control. But with your own Central Government and its power, is a folly to continue to think in the same terms, especially at a time when your State is so new and faces such tremendous problems internal and external. At this juncture any subordination of the larger interest of the State to the provincial or local or personal interest would be suicidal.
Baluchistan is the land of brave independent people and to you, therefore, national freedom, honour, and strength should have a special meaning. These whisperings of mulki and non-Mulki are neither profitable for the land not worthy of it. We are now all Pakistanis–not Baluchis, Pathans, Sindhis, Bengalis, Punjabis and so on–and as Pakistanis we must feet behave and act, and we should be proud to be known as Pakistanis and nothing else. I ask you always to pause and consider before taking any step whether it is conditioned by your personal or local likes and dislikes or is determined by consideration of the good of the State. If each individual thus being scrutinizing himself and forces–for initially it will require a certain amount of force–upon himself the principal of honesty to others as well as to himself, regardless of fear or favour. I see a very bright future ahead. If individuals both officials and non-officials play their part thus and work in this spirit, the Government, the Nation and the State will immediately bear their stamp, and Pakistan will emerge triumphantly as one of the greatest nations of the world.
As you all know I am specially interested in Baluchistan because it is my special responsibility. I want to see it play as full a part in the affairs of Pakistan as any other province, but it will take time to remove the symptoms of long neglect. In order that this time may not be a minute longer than necessary, I earnestly request you to co-operate with me, to give me your selfless support, and not to make my task difficult. Representative government and representative institutions are no doubt good and desirable, but when people want to reduce them merely to channels of personal aggrandisement, they not only lose their value but earn a bad name. Let us avoid that and it is possible only if, as I have said, we subject our actions to perpetual scrutiny and test them with the touchstone not of personal or sectional interest but of the good of the State.
I thank you once-again for your generous contribution, your courtesy and for the honor you have done me by presenting this civic address and giving me an opportunity to say a few words.
Pakistan Zindabad
Responsibilities of the Defence force (14th Jun 1948)
Address to the Officers of the Staff College, Quetta 14th June, 1948
I thank you, gentlemen, for the honour you have done me and Miss Fatima Jinnah by inviting us to meet you all. You, along with other Forces of Pakistan; are the custodians of the life, property and honour of the people of Pakistan. The Defence Forces are the most vital of all Pakistan Service and correspondingly a very heavy responsibility and burden lies on your shoulders.
I have no doubt in my mind, from what I have seen and from what I have gathered, that the spirit of the Army is splendid, the morale is very high, and what is very encouraging is that every officer and soldier, no matter what the race or community to which he belongs, is working as a true Pakistani.
If you all continue in that spirit and work as comrades, as true Pakistanis selflessly, Pakistan has nothing to fear.
One thing more, I am persuaded to say this because during my talks with one or two very high-ranking officers I discovered that they did not know the implications of the Oath taken by the troops of Pakistan. Of course, an oath is only a matter of form; what are more important are the true spirit and the heart.
But it is an important form, and I would like to take the opportunity of refreshing your memory by reading the prescribed oath to you.
“I solemnly affirm, in the presence of Almighty God, that I owe allegiance to the Constitution and Dominion of Pakistan (mark the words Constitution and the Government of the Dominion of Pakistan) and that I will as in duty bound honestly and faithfully serve in the Dominion of Pakistan Forces and go within the terms of my enrolment wherever I may be ordered by air, land or sea and that I will observe and obey all commands of any officer set over me…..”
As I have said just now, the spirit is what really matters. I should like you to study the Constitution, which is in force in Pakistan, at present and understand its true constitutional and legal implications when you say that you will be faithful to the Constitution of the Dominion.
I want you to remember and if you have time enough you should study the Government of India Act, as adapted for use in Pakistan, which is our present Constitution, that the executive authority flows from the Head of the Government of Pakistan, who is the governor-general and, therefore, any command or orders that may come to you cannot come without the sanction of the Executive Head. This is the legal position.
Finally, gentlemen, let me thank you for the honour that you have done me by inviting me. I will be glad to meet the officers informally, as suggested by the General Officers Commanding in his speech, and such a meeting can be, arranged at a time convenient to us both. I have every desire to keep in close contact with the officers and men of the Defence Forces and I hope that when I have little more time from the various problems that are facing us in Pakistan, which is for the moment in a state of national emergency, and when things settle down–and I hope it will be very soon–then I shall find more time to establish greater and greater contact with the Defence Forces.
I thank you, gentlemen, for the honour you have done me and Miss Fatima Jinnah by inviting us to meet you all. You, along with other Forces of Pakistan; are the custodians of the life, property and honour of the people of Pakistan. The Defence Forces are the most vital of all Pakistan Service and correspondingly a very heavy responsibility and burden lies on your shoulders.
I have no doubt in my mind, from what I have seen and from what I have gathered, that the spirit of the Army is splendid, the morale is very high, and what is very encouraging is that every officer and soldier, no matter what the race or community to which he belongs, is working as a true Pakistani.
If you all continue in that spirit and work as comrades, as true Pakistanis selflessly, Pakistan has nothing to fear.
One thing more, I am persuaded to say this because during my talks with one or two very high-ranking officers I discovered that they did not know the implications of the Oath taken by the troops of Pakistan. Of course, an oath is only a matter of form; what are more important are the true spirit and the heart.
But it is an important form, and I would like to take the opportunity of refreshing your memory by reading the prescribed oath to you.
“I solemnly affirm, in the presence of Almighty God, that I owe allegiance to the Constitution and Dominion of Pakistan (mark the words Constitution and the Government of the Dominion of Pakistan) and that I will as in duty bound honestly and faithfully serve in the Dominion of Pakistan Forces and go within the terms of my enrolment wherever I may be ordered by air, land or sea and that I will observe and obey all commands of any officer set over me…..”
As I have said just now, the spirit is what really matters. I should like you to study the Constitution, which is in force in Pakistan, at present and understand its true constitutional and legal implications when you say that you will be faithful to the Constitution of the Dominion.
I want you to remember and if you have time enough you should study the Government of India Act, as adapted for use in Pakistan, which is our present Constitution, that the executive authority flows from the Head of the Government of Pakistan, who is the governor-general and, therefore, any command or orders that may come to you cannot come without the sanction of the Executive Head. This is the legal position.
Finally, gentlemen, let me thank you for the honour that you have done me by inviting me. I will be glad to meet the officers informally, as suggested by the General Officers Commanding in his speech, and such a meeting can be, arranged at a time convenient to us both. I have every desire to keep in close contact with the officers and men of the Defence Forces and I hope that when I have little more time from the various problems that are facing us in Pakistan, which is for the moment in a state of national emergency, and when things settle down–and I hope it will be very soon–then I shall find more time to establish greater and greater contact with the Defence Forces.
Pakistan Zindabad
Constitutional position of Baluchistan (13th Jun 1948)
Reply to the Address presented by a Deputation of the members of the Quetta Parsi Community on 13th June, 1948.
Gentlemen,
I am very pleased indeed to meet you all and have an opportunity of hearing your well-considered views about Baluchistan, and I have no doubt in your sincerity and loyalty to Pakistan. Your community is really very well organised and I am happy–and I always say so–that it is better equipped than any other community that I know of in the sub-continent. You, therefore, although small in number, can make very great contribution to the welfare and progress of Pakistan and particularly Baluchistan.
Now coming nearer to Baluchistan, I know that people have not yet fully realised what present constitution is–that is true of even of well-informed and well-educated people. The establishment of Pakistan was catastrophic change and thus came so suddenly that people have not yet fully realised what it is. I dwelt on this point in my Sibi speech and may I, therefore, request you to read that speech if you can get a copy of it. I cannot go into all the details but I think as citizens you ought to know what is the real position. Under the present constitution it is the Governor-General who is vested with all authority–executive, administrative and legislative–in Baluchistan. I am, therefore, directly responsible for all executive, administrative and legislative measures that may be necessary to be adopted in Baluchistan. Rightly or wrongly the burden is placed on my shoulders. Now, you must have realised that Baluchistan has been the most neglected part of this sub-continent all these years. In some respects it is criminal negligence on the part of those who were responsible for the welfare of Baluchistan. You have got a deep-rooted ancient century–old system which is in vogue here and your administration has been stagnant for nearly a century. This is a problem that I am faced with as the Executive Head of Baluchistan. Now you cannot change these things overnight together sincerely, honestly and selflessly and as servants of Baluchistan.
In the very nature of things it will take eighteen months to two years before the new constitution of Pakistan is ready but we cannot wait until that work is completed and, therefore, I have made a small beginning, as I have said but a very important one and if as they say small beginning, but a very important one, after consulting various interests in Baluchistan, namely, I have decided to set up Governor-General’s Advisory Council. I am at it and perhaps very shortly the constitution, rules and procedure of that body will be announced. That is of course, a small beginning as I have said but a very important one and if as they say small things lead to very great things and if you handle it and manage it properly I am sure it will result in great progress and development of Baluchistan. But as I have said, it will depend on how the people of Baluchistan will handle the Governor General’s Advisory Council. This Council will enable people to associate themselves, no doubt as an advisory body, with administration–its executive and legislative side. That is the first step that I have taken because I cannot wait until we have a final constitution of Pakistan ready.
As regards your points regarding shortage of water supply and communications they are already under examination and with the help of our people and with their co-operation and advice we may be able to make some headway in both these matters.
As regards potentialities of Baluchistan you are right. I have a great deal of information about it. That question is
under our examination and I think there is a great future for Baluchistan’s development of its mineral wealth, agricultural resources, water supply, communication etc.
Finally, Gentlemen, I am sure, though small in number you may be in Baluchistan and in Pakistan as a whole, you will not lag behind in making your full contribution as true selfless Pakistanis. Although you have not struck any note of your needs and requirements as a community but you know that it is the policy of my Government and myself that every member of every community irrespective of caste, colour, creed or race shall be fully protected with regard to his life, property and honour and that there should-be peace in Pakistan and law and order should be maintained at-any cost. I reiterate that you, like any other minorities, will be treated as equal citizens with all your rights and obligations so long as you are loyal to Pakistan. I am glad and it is very refreshing that you have not gone on with the same old rut and the hackneyed phrases which are echoed in various quarters about the grievances and requests of minorities, but I must tell you that these assurances have been given and they are going to be implemented. Minority communities must not by mere words but by actions show this that they are truly loyal and they must make majority community feel that they are true citizens of Pakistan. Then you will help me and you will facilitate my task in carrying out the policy which we have laid down. You know you must dispel suspicion and distrust. It is now up to minorities to show by actions and deeds that they are true Pakistanis and dispel suspicion and distrust that has been created by deplorable and disgraceful events that have taken place.
In the end, I thank you and I am very pleased to meet you all. Let us put our heads together and work together and make Pakistan what it really and truly deserves to be.
Click to enlarge.
Receiving a Karakuli Jinnah Cap from Balochistan National Guards
I am very pleased indeed to meet you all and have an opportunity of hearing your well-considered views about Baluchistan, and I have no doubt in your sincerity and loyalty to Pakistan. Your community is really very well organised and I am happy–and I always say so–that it is better equipped than any other community that I know of in the sub-continent. You, therefore, although small in number, can make very great contribution to the welfare and progress of Pakistan and particularly Baluchistan.
Now coming nearer to Baluchistan, I know that people have not yet fully realised what present constitution is–that is true of even of well-informed and well-educated people. The establishment of Pakistan was catastrophic change and thus came so suddenly that people have not yet fully realised what it is. I dwelt on this point in my Sibi speech and may I, therefore, request you to read that speech if you can get a copy of it. I cannot go into all the details but I think as citizens you ought to know what is the real position. Under the present constitution it is the Governor-General who is vested with all authority–executive, administrative and legislative–in Baluchistan. I am, therefore, directly responsible for all executive, administrative and legislative measures that may be necessary to be adopted in Baluchistan. Rightly or wrongly the burden is placed on my shoulders. Now, you must have realised that Baluchistan has been the most neglected part of this sub-continent all these years. In some respects it is criminal negligence on the part of those who were responsible for the welfare of Baluchistan. You have got a deep-rooted ancient century–old system which is in vogue here and your administration has been stagnant for nearly a century. This is a problem that I am faced with as the Executive Head of Baluchistan. Now you cannot change these things overnight together sincerely, honestly and selflessly and as servants of Baluchistan.
In the very nature of things it will take eighteen months to two years before the new constitution of Pakistan is ready but we cannot wait until that work is completed and, therefore, I have made a small beginning, as I have said but a very important one and if as they say small beginning, but a very important one, after consulting various interests in Baluchistan, namely, I have decided to set up Governor-General’s Advisory Council. I am at it and perhaps very shortly the constitution, rules and procedure of that body will be announced. That is of course, a small beginning as I have said but a very important one and if as they say small things lead to very great things and if you handle it and manage it properly I am sure it will result in great progress and development of Baluchistan. But as I have said, it will depend on how the people of Baluchistan will handle the Governor General’s Advisory Council. This Council will enable people to associate themselves, no doubt as an advisory body, with administration–its executive and legislative side. That is the first step that I have taken because I cannot wait until we have a final constitution of Pakistan ready.
As regards your points regarding shortage of water supply and communications they are already under examination and with the help of our people and with their co-operation and advice we may be able to make some headway in both these matters.
As regards potentialities of Baluchistan you are right. I have a great deal of information about it. That question is
under our examination and I think there is a great future for Baluchistan’s development of its mineral wealth, agricultural resources, water supply, communication etc.
Finally, Gentlemen, I am sure, though small in number you may be in Baluchistan and in Pakistan as a whole, you will not lag behind in making your full contribution as true selfless Pakistanis. Although you have not struck any note of your needs and requirements as a community but you know that it is the policy of my Government and myself that every member of every community irrespective of caste, colour, creed or race shall be fully protected with regard to his life, property and honour and that there should-be peace in Pakistan and law and order should be maintained at-any cost. I reiterate that you, like any other minorities, will be treated as equal citizens with all your rights and obligations so long as you are loyal to Pakistan. I am glad and it is very refreshing that you have not gone on with the same old rut and the hackneyed phrases which are echoed in various quarters about the grievances and requests of minorities, but I must tell you that these assurances have been given and they are going to be implemented. Minority communities must not by mere words but by actions show this that they are truly loyal and they must make majority community feel that they are true citizens of Pakistan. Then you will help me and you will facilitate my task in carrying out the policy which we have laid down. You know you must dispel suspicion and distrust. It is now up to minorities to show by actions and deeds that they are true Pakistanis and dispel suspicion and distrust that has been created by deplorable and disgraceful events that have taken place.
In the end, I thank you and I am very pleased to meet you all. Let us put our heads together and work together and make Pakistan what it really and truly deserves to be.
Pakistan Zindabad
Strong Air Force - A shield against aggression (13th Apr 1948)
Speech to the Royal Pakistan Air Force Station Risalpur on 13th April, 1948.
It gives me great pleasure to pay my first visit to a unit of the Royal Pakistan Air Force. There is no doubt that any country without a strong Air Force is at the mercy of any aggressor. Pakistan must build up her Air Force as quickly as possible. It must be an efficient Air Force second to none and must take its right place with the Army and the Navy in securing Pakistan’s defence.
I am well aware of air developments in other countries and my Government is determined that the Royal Pakistan Air Force will not lee behind.
The Royal Pakistan Air Force has started with very few assets, except loyalty and determination, to succeed. But the Royal Pakistan Air Force is already taking shape; this school formed only 7 months ago is a worthy example of this.
I know also that you are short of aircraft and equipment, but efforts are being made to procure the necessary equipment and orders for modern aircraft have also been placed.
But aircraft and personnel in any numbers are of little use, unless there is a team spirit within the Air Force and a strict sense of discipline prevails. I charge you to remember that only with discipline and self-reliance can the Royal Pakistan Air Force be worthy of Pakistan.
I am pleased to learn of the progress which this School has made and as desired by the Commander and yourselves I name it from today “The Royal Pakistan Air Force College”
I thank you all and I wish your school and yourselves all success.
It gives me great pleasure to pay my first visit to a unit of the Royal Pakistan Air Force. There is no doubt that any country without a strong Air Force is at the mercy of any aggressor. Pakistan must build up her Air Force as quickly as possible. It must be an efficient Air Force second to none and must take its right place with the Army and the Navy in securing Pakistan’s defence.
I am well aware of air developments in other countries and my Government is determined that the Royal Pakistan Air Force will not lee behind.
The Royal Pakistan Air Force has started with very few assets, except loyalty and determination, to succeed. But the Royal Pakistan Air Force is already taking shape; this school formed only 7 months ago is a worthy example of this.
I know also that you are short of aircraft and equipment, but efforts are being made to procure the necessary equipment and orders for modern aircraft have also been placed.
But aircraft and personnel in any numbers are of little use, unless there is a team spirit within the Air Force and a strict sense of discipline prevails. I charge you to remember that only with discipline and self-reliance can the Royal Pakistan Air Force be worthy of Pakistan.
I am pleased to learn of the progress which this School has made and as desired by the Commander and yourselves I name it from today “The Royal Pakistan Air Force College”
I thank you all and I wish your school and yourselves all success.
Pakistan Zindabad
Importance of physical culture (12th Apr 1948)
Message to the First Olympic Games on 12th April 1948.
For sound minds we should have sound bodies and that is why nations the world over attach so much importance to boy-building and physical culture. The first Pakistan Olympic Games should act as an incentive to all Pakistan nationals to emulate the Olympic Motto “Citius, Althius, Fortiusn” i.e. “Faster, Higher and stronger” I wish the organizers of the games and all competitors the best of luck. Build up Pakistan higher, firmer and stronger.
For sound minds we should have sound bodies and that is why nations the world over attach so much importance to boy-building and physical culture. The first Pakistan Olympic Games should act as an incentive to all Pakistan nationals to emulate the Olympic Motto “Citius, Althius, Fortiusn” i.e. “Faster, Higher and stronger” I wish the organizers of the games and all competitors the best of luck. Build up Pakistan higher, firmer and stronger.
Pakistan Zindabad
New era of progress for Baluchistan (14th Feb 1948)
Speech at Sibi Durbar on 14th February , 1948.
Mr. Dundas, Members of Shahi Jirga, Sardars of Baluchistan and other Leaders and Representatives of the people of Baluchistan.
It is indeed a matter of genuine pleasure to me to be present here amongst you in the first Shahi Durbar of Baluchistan held under the authority of our new Muslim State of Pakistan. As you all know, my personal connection with Baluchistan extends over a long period. I can now look back with satisfaction to the days when the people of this Province fought shoulder to shoulder with me in our struggle for freedom. You have contributed in no smaller measure than your brethren of other province of Pakistan towards the achievement of our goal have.
The history of political reforms for Baluchistan is connected with the history of the struggle of the Mussalmans for freedom. There are many of you who will recall the number of occasions when I took up the cause of the people of Baluchistan both inside the Indian Legislature and outside; and, now that I have the honor to be the first Governor-general of our great country –Pakistan, it is natural that the question of reforms and securing for the people of Baluchistan an adequate say in the administration and governance of their Province, should be constantly in my mind. If in this direction my wishes have not so far been realized, it is due to the circumstances over which I had little or no control.
Gentlemen: It is just six months since we have achieved our Independence. During this period we have not so far seen a single day of peace. We have had to face calamities the parallel of which is not known in the history of the world. But we have not remained idle. We are still struggling to complete the task in the face of difficulties, which we had no way of anticipating when the partition of India was agreed upon. We have yet to secure our due and rightful share from the sister Dominion of India. The attention of my Government, therefore, was kept riveted to other dangerous problems of more immediate and urgent importance. You will therefore, forgive me if I was not able to attend to the affairs of Baluchistan as speedily as I would have wished. Let me assure you, however, that I have not for one moment allowed the affairs of Baluchistan to slip out of my mind. I have thought and thought, considered and pondered over the ways and means of improving the lot of our people in this Province and of enabling them to secure for themselves the same position and the same political status within the polity of Pakistan, which are open to their brethren in other provinces as far as they could be brought about as practical propositions.
Gentlemen: The relations of the old Government of India with Baluchistan before the partition are well known to you. It is not for me to remind you how that Government, which was a subordinate branch of the foreign administration, had kept Baluchistan divided in several parts, each with a different name and status, yet all bound together in shackles of backwardness. The administration handed over to us was on the one hand, quite impervious to the desires and wishes of the people for moral and material progress, and on the other, impatient of criticism and obvious to the necessity of political reforms of any sort. Consequently, the people of the Province remained in a static position educationally, socially, economically and politically. Nay, I would go so far as to say that the people had to content themselves for a long time with a state of political and administrative stagnation. And yet, all this may sound paradoxical in the face of the fact that so far as the tribal areas of Baluchistan were concerned the Governor-general exercised his executive functions in his discretion, and in regard to the areas which used to be known as British Baluchistan and leased territories, he governed to such an extent as he thought fit, through a Chief Commissioner appointed by him in his discretion.
Then came the fruit of our national efforts in the form of the Indian Independence Act of 1947, whereby the British Government acknowledged the supreme authority of the people of this sub-continent and they were obliged to transfer full powers to them. With the passing of this Act, the treaties and agreements which were in force between the British Government and the states and tribes, all lapsed. The obligations of British Government and all powers, rights, authority, or jurisdiction execrable in relation to the tribal areas also disappeared. In other words, the tribal people were free to come to such arrangements with Pakistan as the successor authority of British Government, as may be agreed upon. Side by side with this, the Chief Commissioner’s Province of British Baluchistan was made a part of territories of Pakistan as laid down by the Indian Independence Act, and the Province of Baluchistan accepted the position and decided to send their elected representative to the Pakistan Constituent Assembly. It was in this state of freedom when, of their own free choice, the people of Tribal Areas gave their verdict, through the referendum held in this province in the Summer of last year when they decided to join the Constituent Assembly of Pakistan. No sooner did this happen, than I, as governor-general of Pakistan, felt it my duty to assure the people of Baluchistan on behalf of the Government of Pakistan, that all agreements and allowances would continue until such time as they could be modified after the consultation with them.
The departure of British authority had left several gaps in the juridical and administrative machinery of Baluchistan. These were filled by making temporary legal and administrative arrangements. The relations of the Government of Pakistan with the tribes were reaffirmed on the basis of the referendum until they could be consulted again. All this arranged under powers vested in me as governor-general of Pakistan deriving authority from the unmistakable will of the people of Baluchistan expressed through the Shahi Jirga. Orders were passed declaring that all laws that were in force in the administered areas, tribal areas including the areas of Marri and Bugti Tumans and Baluch areas adjoining the Dera Ghazi Khan District of the Punjab (Which are not included in Baluchistan), would continue to be enjoyed by them. I had to make these arrangements provisionally because the administration of the country had to go on. This did not mean that I wanted to perpetuate the state of affairs prevailing under the British Government. The final constitution, as you all know, will be framed by the Constituent Assembly in consultation with the representatives of all these areas. Nor did I forget in the meantime, while making these temporary fulfillment of this desire that I decided to attend your first Durbar so that I may get the opportunity of meeting you and exchange views with you in order to ascertain the ideas which you may have formed about future form of Government for your Province.
The Constituent Assembly may take some time to accomplish its task of framing the final constitution of our State. It is a stupendous task and it may take 18 months or two years before it can come into full operation. And so I wanted something to be done without delay for the period between now and the time when the new constitution would finally emerge and be inaugurated; something which would enable the people to share the responsibilities of their Government and give them a voice in its administration. After very careful consideration, I have decided to make a small but all the same an important move immediately to enable the people to associate themselves with the government of their province. I hope that this will bring citizens of Pakistan living in Baluchistan closer to the governor-general and the head of your administration. I had to think hard. There were legal and constitutional difficulties in the way of setting up a representative form of Government. But there was no time to waste. I did not want to wait for the requisite legal and statutory provisions to be enacted in their full form. All that will naturally come in time. For the present, however, I have come to the conclusion that our immediate object can best be achieved by making the Governors administration of Baluchistan more directly the concern of the governor-general himself acting in close collaboration with the acknowledged representatives of the people. For this purpose, I have decided to constitute a governor-general’s Advisory Council, a body which will enable the people to play their full part in the administration and governance of their Province, and which will enable me as governor-general to keep a close watch over the affairs of Baluchistan and to make the problems of the people of this great province my own special care as I am bound to do under the present provisional constitution of Pakistan. I may here draw your attention that as a matter of fact the present constitution –the Indian Independence Act and adaptations o f Government of India Act, 1935–make the position of the governor-general and his responsibilities clear. As regards the Chief Commissioner’s Province, the adaptations that are in operation in the present Constitution, lay down:
That it shall be administered by the governor-general acting to such extent as he thinks fit, through a Chief Commissioner to be appointed by him in his discretion.
The executive authority of the Federation extends to British Baluchistan but notwithstanding anything in this Act, no Act of the Federal Legislature shall apply to British Baluchistan unless the governor-general in his discretion by public notification so directs, and the governor-general in giving such a direction with respect to any Act may direct that the Act shall in its application to the province, or to any specified part thereof, have affect subject to such exceptions or modifications as he thinks fit.
The governor-general may in the discretion make regulations for the peace and good government of British Baluchistan, and any regulations so made may repeal or amend any Act of the Federal Legislature or any existing Indian law which is for the time being applicable to the Province and, when promulgated by the governor-general, shall have the same force and effect as an Act of the Federal Legislature which applies to the province.
The members of the Advisory Council will of course be a nominated but let me assure you gentlemen, that it will not be a nominal body. It will have the power to advise the governor-general on any matter, which in its opinion is connected with the good of the province. Similarly, the governor-general will refer any matter, which may come before him through the Chief Commissioner for the opinion and advice of the Council. The Budget of the Province for instance, will be checked and scrutinized first by the Advisory Council in all its details and it will be free to submit its recommendations to the governor-general.
From what I have stated, you will see that I am only trying to make a beginning in giving the people of Baluchistan their due share in the administration and I am affording to them the opportunities to play full part in the shaping of their future administration and advancing the welfare of the people generally. For instance, all plans for the future political, economic, social and educational development of the Province will be prepared and submitted through the Advisory Council and it will be for the governor-general to see that these plans are implemented with consultation and advice of the Council. Thus gentlemen, in some ways you will he better off than the other Provinces of Pakistan. Here you will have in fact, a governor-general’s Province and you will become my special responsibility and care and let me assure you that in the sphere of the activities of the Council the governor-general will adopt such measures as may be necessary in consultation with his advisory council from time to time.
The notification, which is to be issued on this subject, will set out the functions and the scope of the Advisory Council, as well as its composition. It will contain people’s representatives of the Administered Areas, which used to be known as British Baluchistan and the leased areas. It will include representatives of the Tribal Areas. It will also reflect the considered opinion of the members of the Shahi Jirga and the Municipality of Quetta. In the creation of this Council, as you wil1 observe, special care has been taken to ensure that power and authority is derived as far as possible from the people. At the same time, the setting up of the Advisory Council will not in any way detract from the status of these areas, nor from the freedom of the inhabitants of these areas to mould their future constitution and to form the administration in accordance with their own customs and traditions. The setting up of the Council will in no way affect that measure of independence, which already enjoyed by the people of Tribal Areas nor can it change the present status of the leased Areas. On the other hand, this new measure is intended to bring about a harmony of ideas between the Government and the people in the various areas of Baluchistan and to make the Government machinery efficient and responsive to the people. It will impose upon the administration of Baluchistan the responsibility of marching in step with the wishes of its people and afford the people opportunities for sharing henceforth-, with their Government the cares and responsibilities of the administration.
I may point out that Baluchistan is a deficit province already to the extent of one crore and a half and Pakistan will have to bear to further financial burden to help the people as indicated above but I am hopeful that Pakistan will not hesitate to bear it for the sake of the progress and welfare of the people of Baluchistan.
In proposing this scheme, I have had one underlying principle in mind, the principle of Muslim democracy. It is my belief that our salvation lies in following the golden rules of conduct set for us by our great lawgiver, the Prophet of Islam. Let us lay the foundation of our democracy on the basis of truly Islamic ideals and principles. Our Almighty has taught us that “our decisions in the affairs of the State shall be guided by discussions and consultations. I wish you my brethren of Baluchistan, God speed and all success in the opening of this new era. May your future be as bright as I have always prayed for and wished it to be. May you all prosper.
Mr. Dundas, Members of Shahi Jirga, Sardars of Baluchistan and other Leaders and Representatives of the people of Baluchistan.
It is indeed a matter of genuine pleasure to me to be present here amongst you in the first Shahi Durbar of Baluchistan held under the authority of our new Muslim State of Pakistan. As you all know, my personal connection with Baluchistan extends over a long period. I can now look back with satisfaction to the days when the people of this Province fought shoulder to shoulder with me in our struggle for freedom. You have contributed in no smaller measure than your brethren of other province of Pakistan towards the achievement of our goal have.
The history of political reforms for Baluchistan is connected with the history of the struggle of the Mussalmans for freedom. There are many of you who will recall the number of occasions when I took up the cause of the people of Baluchistan both inside the Indian Legislature and outside; and, now that I have the honor to be the first Governor-general of our great country –Pakistan, it is natural that the question of reforms and securing for the people of Baluchistan an adequate say in the administration and governance of their Province, should be constantly in my mind. If in this direction my wishes have not so far been realized, it is due to the circumstances over which I had little or no control.
Gentlemen: It is just six months since we have achieved our Independence. During this period we have not so far seen a single day of peace. We have had to face calamities the parallel of which is not known in the history of the world. But we have not remained idle. We are still struggling to complete the task in the face of difficulties, which we had no way of anticipating when the partition of India was agreed upon. We have yet to secure our due and rightful share from the sister Dominion of India. The attention of my Government, therefore, was kept riveted to other dangerous problems of more immediate and urgent importance. You will therefore, forgive me if I was not able to attend to the affairs of Baluchistan as speedily as I would have wished. Let me assure you, however, that I have not for one moment allowed the affairs of Baluchistan to slip out of my mind. I have thought and thought, considered and pondered over the ways and means of improving the lot of our people in this Province and of enabling them to secure for themselves the same position and the same political status within the polity of Pakistan, which are open to their brethren in other provinces as far as they could be brought about as practical propositions.
Gentlemen: The relations of the old Government of India with Baluchistan before the partition are well known to you. It is not for me to remind you how that Government, which was a subordinate branch of the foreign administration, had kept Baluchistan divided in several parts, each with a different name and status, yet all bound together in shackles of backwardness. The administration handed over to us was on the one hand, quite impervious to the desires and wishes of the people for moral and material progress, and on the other, impatient of criticism and obvious to the necessity of political reforms of any sort. Consequently, the people of the Province remained in a static position educationally, socially, economically and politically. Nay, I would go so far as to say that the people had to content themselves for a long time with a state of political and administrative stagnation. And yet, all this may sound paradoxical in the face of the fact that so far as the tribal areas of Baluchistan were concerned the Governor-general exercised his executive functions in his discretion, and in regard to the areas which used to be known as British Baluchistan and leased territories, he governed to such an extent as he thought fit, through a Chief Commissioner appointed by him in his discretion.
Then came the fruit of our national efforts in the form of the Indian Independence Act of 1947, whereby the British Government acknowledged the supreme authority of the people of this sub-continent and they were obliged to transfer full powers to them. With the passing of this Act, the treaties and agreements which were in force between the British Government and the states and tribes, all lapsed. The obligations of British Government and all powers, rights, authority, or jurisdiction execrable in relation to the tribal areas also disappeared. In other words, the tribal people were free to come to such arrangements with Pakistan as the successor authority of British Government, as may be agreed upon. Side by side with this, the Chief Commissioner’s Province of British Baluchistan was made a part of territories of Pakistan as laid down by the Indian Independence Act, and the Province of Baluchistan accepted the position and decided to send their elected representative to the Pakistan Constituent Assembly. It was in this state of freedom when, of their own free choice, the people of Tribal Areas gave their verdict, through the referendum held in this province in the Summer of last year when they decided to join the Constituent Assembly of Pakistan. No sooner did this happen, than I, as governor-general of Pakistan, felt it my duty to assure the people of Baluchistan on behalf of the Government of Pakistan, that all agreements and allowances would continue until such time as they could be modified after the consultation with them.
The departure of British authority had left several gaps in the juridical and administrative machinery of Baluchistan. These were filled by making temporary legal and administrative arrangements. The relations of the Government of Pakistan with the tribes were reaffirmed on the basis of the referendum until they could be consulted again. All this arranged under powers vested in me as governor-general of Pakistan deriving authority from the unmistakable will of the people of Baluchistan expressed through the Shahi Jirga. Orders were passed declaring that all laws that were in force in the administered areas, tribal areas including the areas of Marri and Bugti Tumans and Baluch areas adjoining the Dera Ghazi Khan District of the Punjab (Which are not included in Baluchistan), would continue to be enjoyed by them. I had to make these arrangements provisionally because the administration of the country had to go on. This did not mean that I wanted to perpetuate the state of affairs prevailing under the British Government. The final constitution, as you all know, will be framed by the Constituent Assembly in consultation with the representatives of all these areas. Nor did I forget in the meantime, while making these temporary fulfillment of this desire that I decided to attend your first Durbar so that I may get the opportunity of meeting you and exchange views with you in order to ascertain the ideas which you may have formed about future form of Government for your Province.
That it shall be administered by the governor-general acting to such extent as he thinks fit, through a Chief Commissioner to be appointed by him in his discretion.
The executive authority of the Federation extends to British Baluchistan but notwithstanding anything in this Act, no Act of the Federal Legislature shall apply to British Baluchistan unless the governor-general in his discretion by public notification so directs, and the governor-general in giving such a direction with respect to any Act may direct that the Act shall in its application to the province, or to any specified part thereof, have affect subject to such exceptions or modifications as he thinks fit.
The governor-general may in the discretion make regulations for the peace and good government of British Baluchistan, and any regulations so made may repeal or amend any Act of the Federal Legislature or any existing Indian law which is for the time being applicable to the Province and, when promulgated by the governor-general, shall have the same force and effect as an Act of the Federal Legislature which applies to the province.
The members of the Advisory Council will of course be a nominated but let me assure you gentlemen, that it will not be a nominal body. It will have the power to advise the governor-general on any matter, which in its opinion is connected with the good of the province. Similarly, the governor-general will refer any matter, which may come before him through the Chief Commissioner for the opinion and advice of the Council. The Budget of the Province for instance, will be checked and scrutinized first by the Advisory Council in all its details and it will be free to submit its recommendations to the governor-general.
From what I have stated, you will see that I am only trying to make a beginning in giving the people of Baluchistan their due share in the administration and I am affording to them the opportunities to play full part in the shaping of their future administration and advancing the welfare of the people generally. For instance, all plans for the future political, economic, social and educational development of the Province will be prepared and submitted through the Advisory Council and it will be for the governor-general to see that these plans are implemented with consultation and advice of the Council. Thus gentlemen, in some ways you will he better off than the other Provinces of Pakistan. Here you will have in fact, a governor-general’s Province and you will become my special responsibility and care and let me assure you that in the sphere of the activities of the Council the governor-general will adopt such measures as may be necessary in consultation with his advisory council from time to time.
The notification, which is to be issued on this subject, will set out the functions and the scope of the Advisory Council, as well as its composition. It will contain people’s representatives of the Administered Areas, which used to be known as British Baluchistan and the leased areas. It will include representatives of the Tribal Areas. It will also reflect the considered opinion of the members of the Shahi Jirga and the Municipality of Quetta. In the creation of this Council, as you wil1 observe, special care has been taken to ensure that power and authority is derived as far as possible from the people. At the same time, the setting up of the Advisory Council will not in any way detract from the status of these areas, nor from the freedom of the inhabitants of these areas to mould their future constitution and to form the administration in accordance with their own customs and traditions. The setting up of the Council will in no way affect that measure of independence, which already enjoyed by the people of Tribal Areas nor can it change the present status of the leased Areas. On the other hand, this new measure is intended to bring about a harmony of ideas between the Government and the people in the various areas of Baluchistan and to make the Government machinery efficient and responsive to the people. It will impose upon the administration of Baluchistan the responsibility of marching in step with the wishes of its people and afford the people opportunities for sharing henceforth-, with their Government the cares and responsibilities of the administration.
I may point out that Baluchistan is a deficit province already to the extent of one crore and a half and Pakistan will have to bear to further financial burden to help the people as indicated above but I am hopeful that Pakistan will not hesitate to bear it for the sake of the progress and welfare of the people of Baluchistan.
In proposing this scheme, I have had one underlying principle in mind, the principle of Muslim democracy. It is my belief that our salvation lies in following the golden rules of conduct set for us by our great lawgiver, the Prophet of Islam. Let us lay the foundation of our democracy on the basis of truly Islamic ideals and principles. Our Almighty has taught us that “our decisions in the affairs of the State shall be guided by discussions and consultations. I wish you my brethren of Baluchistan, God speed and all success in the opening of this new era. May your future be as bright as I have always prayed for and wished it to be. May you all prosper.
Pakistan Zindabad
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